BUCKLEY v. AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC.


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

Dissent

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Chief Justice Rehnquist , dissenting.

The Court today invalidates a number of state laws designed to prevent fraud in the circulation of candidate petitions and to ensure that local issues of state law are decided by local voters, rather than by out-of-state interests. Because I believe that Colorado can constitutionally require that those who circulate initiative petitions to registered voters actually be registered voters themselves, and because I believe that the Court’s contrary holding has wide-reaching implication for state regulation of elections generally, I dissent.

I

Ballot initiatives of the sort involved in this case were a central part of the Progressive movement’s agenda for reform at the turn of the 20th century, and were advanced as a means of limiting the control of wealthy special interests and restoring electoral power to the voters. See, e.g., H. Croly, Progressive Democracy 236–237, 248–249, 254–255 (Transaction ed. 1998); H. Steele Commager, The American Mind 338 (1950); Persily, The Peculiar Geography of Direct Democracy, 2 Mich. L. & Pol’y Rev. 11, 23 (1997). However, in recent years, the initiative and referendum process has come to be more and more influenced by out-of-state interests which employ professional firms doing a nationwide business. See, e.g. , Lowenstein & Stern, The First Amendment and Paid Initiative Petition Circulators, 17 Hastings Const. L. Q. 175, 176 (1989); Broder, Ballot Battle, Washington Post , Apr. 12, 1998, pp. A1, A6; Slind-Flor, Election Result: Litigation over Propositions, National Law Journal, Nov. 16, 1998, pp. A1, A8. The state laws that the Court strikes down today would restore some of this initial purpose by limiting the influence that such out-of-state interests may have on the in-state initiative process. The ironic effect of today’s opinion is that, in the name of the First Amendment, it strikes down the attempt of a State to allow its own voters (rather than out-of-state persons and political dropouts) to decide what issues should go on the ballot to be decided by the State’s registered voters.

The basis of the Court’s holding is that because the state laws in question both (1) decrease the pool of potential circulators and (2) reduce the chances that a measure would gather signatures sufficient to qualify for the ballot, the measure is unconstitutional under our decision in Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414 (1988) . See ante , at 9–10. Meyer , which also dealt with Colorado’s initiative regulations, struck down a criminal ban on all paid petition circulators. 486 U. S., at 428. But Meyer did not decide that a State cannot impose reasonable regulations on such circulation. Indeed, before today’s decision, it appeared that under our case law a State could have imposed reasonable regulations on the circulation of initiative petitions, so that some order could be established over the inherently chaotic nature of democratic processes. Cf. Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 358 (1997) ; Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 433 (1992) ; Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . Today’s opinion, however, calls into question the validity of any regulation of petition circulation which runs afoul of the highly abstract and mechanical test of diminishing the pool of petition circulators or making a proposal less likely to appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. It squarely holds that a State may not limit circulators to registered voters, and maintains a sphinx-like silence as to whether it may even limit circulators to state residents.

II

Section 1–40–112(1) of Colorado’s initiative petition law provides that “[n]o section of a petition for any initiative or referendum measure shall be circulated by any person who is not a registered elector and at least eighteen years of age at the time the section is circulated.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). This requirement is obviously intended to ensure that the people involved in getting a measure placed on the ballot are the same people who will ultimately vote on that measure—the electors of the State. Indeed, it is difficult to envision why the State cannot do this, but for the unfortunate dicta in Meyer . The parties agree that for purposes of this appeal there are 1.9 million registered voters in Colorado, and that 400,000 persons eligible to vote are not registered. See ante, at 8. But registering to vote in Colorado is easy—the only requirements are that a person be 18 years of age or older on the date of the next election, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of the precinct in which the person will vote 30 days immediately prior to the election. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–2–101 (1998). The elector requirement mirrors Colorado’s regulation of candidate elections, for which all delegates to county and state assemblies must be registered electors, §1–4–602(5), and where candidates cannot be nominated for a primary election unless they are registered electors, §1–4–601(4)(a).

The Court, however, reasons that the restriction of circulation to electors fails to pass scrutiny under the First Amendment because the decision not to register to vote “implicates political thought and expression.” Ante , at 11. Surely this can be true of only a very few of the many residents who don’t register to vote, but even in the case of the few it should not invalidate the Colorado requirement. Refusing to read current newspapers or to watch television may have “ First Amendment implications,” but this does not mean that a state university might not refuse to hire such a person to teach a course in “today’s media.” The examples of unregistered people who wish to circulate initiative petitions presented by the respondents (and relied upon by the Court) are twofold 1 —people who refuse to participate in the political process as a means of protest, and convicted drug felons who have been denied the franchise as part of their punishment. For example, respondent Bill Orr, apparently the mastermind of this litigation, argued before the District Court that “It’s my form of … private and public protest. I don’t believe that representative organs of Government are doing what they’re supposed to be doing.” 1 Tr. 223. And respondent Jon Baraga, a person affiliated with the “Colorado Hemp Initiative,” which seeks to legalize marijuana in Colorado, testified that “there are a great many folks who are refused to participate as registered voters in the political process who would like to see our measure gain ballot status and would like to help us do that.” Id., at 57.

Thus, the Court today holds that a State cannot require that those who circulate the petitions to get initiatives on the ballot be electors, and that a State is constitutionally required to instead allow those who make no effort to register to vote—political dropouts—and convicted drug dealers to engage in this electoral activity. Although the Court argues that only those eligible to vote may now circulate candidate petitions, there is no Colorado law to this effect. Such a law would also be even harder to administer than one which limited circulation to residents, because eligible Colorado voters are that subset of Colorado residents who have fulfilled the requirements for registration, and have not committed a felony or been otherwise disqualified from the franchise. A State would thus have to perform a background check on circulators to determine if they are not felons. And one of the reasons the State wished to limit petition circulation to electors in the first place was that it is far easier to determine who is an elector from who is a resident, much less who is “voter eligible.” 2

In addition, the Court does not adequately explain what “voter eligible” means. If it means “eligible to vote in the State for which the petitions are circulating” (Colorado, in this case), then it necessarily follows from today’s holding that a State may limit petition circulation to its own residents. I would not quarrel with this holding. On the other hand, “voter eligible” could mean “any person eligible to vote in any of the United States or its territories.” In this case, a State would not merely have to run a background check on out of state circulators, but would also have to examine whether the unregistered circulator had satisfied whatever are the criteria for voter eligibility in his place of residence, be it Georgia or Guam, Peoria or Puerto Rico.

State ballot initiatives are a matter of state concern, and a State should be able to limit the ability to circulate initiative petitions to those people who can ultimately vote on those initiatives at the polls. If eligible voters make the conscious decision not to register to vote on the grounds that they reject the democratic process, they should have no right to complain that they cannot circulate initiative petitions to people who are registered voters. And the idea that convicted drug felons who have lost the right to vote under state law nonetheless have a constitutional right to circulate initiative petitions scarcely passes the “laugh test.”

But the implications of today’s holding are even more stark than its immediate effect. Under the Court’s interpretation of Meyer , any ballot initiative regulation is unconstitutional if it either diminishes the pool of people who can circulate petitions or makes it more difficult for a given issue to ultimately appear on the ballot. See ante , at 9–10. Thus, while today’s judgment is ostensibly circumscribed in scope, it threatens to invalidate a whole host of historically established state regulations of the electoral process in general. Indeed, while the Court is silent with respect to whether a State can limit initiative petition circulation to state residents, the implication of its reading of Meyer —that being unable to hire out-of-state circulators would “limi[t] the number of voices who will convey [the initiative proponents’] message” ante , at 10 (bracketing in original)—is that under today’s decision, a State cannot limit the ability to circulate issues of local concern to its own residents.

May a State prohibit children or foreigners from circulating petitions, where such restrictions would also limit the number of voices who could carry the proponents’ message and thus cut down on the size of the audience the initiative proponents could reach? Cf. Meyer , 486 U. S., at 422–423. And if initiative petition circulation cannot be limited to electors, it would seem that a State can no longer impose an elector or residency requirement on those who circulate petitions to place candidates on ballots, either. At least 19 States plus the District of Columbia explicitly require that candidate petition circulators be electors, 3 and at least one other State requires that its petition circulators be state residents. 4 Today’s decision appears to place each of these laws in serious constitutional jeopardy.

III

As to the other two laws struck down by the Court, I agree that the badge requirement for petition circulators is unconstitutional. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n , 514 U. S. 334 (1995) . I also find instructive, as the Court notes, ante , at 12, n. 15, that Colorado does not require such badges for those who circulate candidate petitions. See generally Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998).

I disagree, however, that the First Amendment renders the disclosure requirements unconstitutional. The Court affirms the Court of Appeals’ invalidation of only the portion of the law that requires final reports to disclose information specific to each paid circulator—the name, address, and amount paid to each. Important to the Court’s decision is the idea that there is no risk of “quid pro quo” corruption when money is paid to ballot initiative circulators, and that paid circulators should not have to surrender the anonymity enjoyed by their volunteer counterparts. I disagree with this analysis because, under Colorado law, all petition circulators must surrender their anonymity under the affidavit requirement. Colorado law requires that each circulator must submit an affidavit which must include the circulator’s “name, the address at which he or she resides, including the street name and number, the city or town, [and] the county.” Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998). This affidavit requirement was upheld by the Tenth Circuit as not significantly burdening political expression, American Constitutional Law Foundation v. Meyer, 120 F. 3d 1092, 1099 (1997), and is relied upon by the Court in holding that the registered voter requirement is unconstitutional. See ante , at 11. The only additional piece of information for which the disclosure requirement asks is thus the amount paid to each circulator. Since even after today’s decision the identity of the circulators as well as the total amount of money paid to circulators will be a matter of public record, see ante, at 16, I do not believe that this additional requirement is sufficient to invalidate the disclosure requirements as a whole. They serve substantial interests and are sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the First Amendment.

IV

Because the Court’s holding invalidates what I believe to be legitimate restrictions placed by Colorado on the petition circulation process, and because its reasoning calls into question a host of other regulations of both the candidate nomination and petition circulation process, I dissent.


Notes

1 The respondents also presented the example of children who wished to circulate petitions. Indeed, one of the respondents in this case—William David Orr—was a minor when this suit was filed and was apparently included in the action to give it standing to challengethe age restriction element of Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998). Because the Court of Appeals held that the age restriction on petition circulation was constitutional, it is unnecessary to point out the absurdity of the respondents’ minority argument.

2 The Court dismisses this state interest as “diminished,” by noting that the affidavit requirement identifies residents. Ante, at 12. Yet even if the interest is diminished, it surely is not eliminated, and it is curious that the Court relies on the affidavit requirement to strike down the elector requirement, but does not use it to preserve that part of the disclosure requirements that also contain information duplicated by the affidavits. Cf., Part V, ante.

3 See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §16–315 (1996); Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §8106(b)(4) (West 1996); Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–4–905 (1998); Conn. Gen. Stat. §9–410 (Supp. 1998); D. C. Code Ann. §1–1312(b)(2) (1992); Idaho Code §§34–626, 34–1807 (Supp. 1998); Ill. Comp. Stat., ch. 10, §§5/7–10, 5/8–8, 5/10–4 (Supp. 1998); Kan. Stat. Ann. §25–205(d) (1993); Mich. Comp. Laws §168.544c(3) (Supp. 1998); Mo. Rev. Stat. §115.325(2) (1997); Neb. Rev. Stat. §32–630 (Supp. 1997); N. Y. Elec. Law §§6–132, 6–140, 6–204, 6–206 (McKinney 1998); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.06 (1996); 25 Pa. Cons. Stat. §2869 (1994); R. I. Gen. Laws §17–23–12 (1996); S. D. Comp. Laws Ann. §12–1–3 (1995); Va. Code Ann. §24.2–521 (Supp. 1998); W. Va. Code §3–5–23 (1994); Wis. Stat. §8.40 (1996); Wyo. Stat. §22–5–304 (1992).

4 See Ga. Code Ann. §§21–2–132(g)(3)(A), 21–2–170(d)(1) (1993 and Supp. 1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).


TOP

CDInPart

VICTORIA BUCKLEY, SECRETARY OF STATE OF
COLORADO, PETITIONER v. AMERICAN CONSTITU-
TIONAL LAW FOUNDATION, INC., et al.

on writ of certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the tenth circuit


[January 12, 1999]

Justice O’Connor , with whom Justice Breyer joins, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part.

Petition circulation undoubtedly has a significant political speech component. When an initiative petition circulator approaches a person and asks that person to sign the petition, the circulator is engaging in “interactive communication concerning political change.” Meyer v. Grant , 486 U. S. 414, 422 (1988) . It was the imposition of a direct and substantial burden on this one-on-one communication that concerned us in Meyer v. Grant . To address this concern, we held in that case that regulations directly burdening the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation are subject to strict scrutiny. Id., at 420.

Not all circulation-related regulations target this aspect of petition circulation, however. Some regulations govern the electoral process by directing the manner in which an initiative proposal qualifies for placement on the ballot. These latter regulations may indirectly burden speech but are a step removed from the communicative aspect of petitioning and are necessary to maintain an orderly electoral process. Accordingly, these regulations should be subject to a less exacting standard of review.

In this respect, regulating petition circulation is similar to regulating candidate elections. Regulations that govern a candidate election invariably burden to some degree one’s right to vote and one’s right to associate for political purposes. Such restrictions are necessary, however, “if [elections] are to be fair and honest.” Storer v. Brown , 415 U. S. 724, 730 (1974) . To allow for regulations of this nature without overly burdening these rights, we have developed a flexible standard to review regulations of the electoral process. The Court succinctly described this standard in Burdick v. Takushi , 504 U. S. 428, 434 (1992) :

“[W]hen [First and Fourteenth Amendment] rights are subjected to severe restrictions, the regulation must be narrowly drawn to advance a state interest of compelling importance. But when a state election law provision imposes only reasonable, nondiscriminatory restrictions upon the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of voters, the State’s important regulatory interests are generally sufficient to justify the restrictions.” Id., at 434 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).

Applying this test, in Burdick , we upheld as reasonable Hawaii’s prohibition on write-in voting, holding that it imposed only a limited burden upon the constitutional rights of voters. See id., at 433–441. See also Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party , 520 U. S. 351, 362–370 (1997) (upholding Minnesota law that banned fusion candidacies on the ground that the State had asserted a “sufficiently weighty” interest). The application of this flexible standard was not without precedent. Prior to Burdick , the Court applied a test akin to rational review to regulations that governed only the administrative aspects of elections. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , 410 U. S. 752, 756–762 (1973) (upholding requirement that voters enroll as members of a political party prior to voting in a primary election on the ground that the regulation did not impose an onerous burden and advanced a legitimate state interest).

Under the Burdick approach, the threshold inquiry is whether Colorado’s regulations directly and substantially burden the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation or whether they primarily target the electoral process, imposing only indirect and less substantial burdens on communication. If the former, the regulation should be subject to strict scrutiny. If the latter, the regulation should be subject to review for reasonableness.

I

I agree with the Court that requiring petition circulators to wear identification badges, specifically name badges, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(2)(b) (1998), should be subject to, and fails, strict scrutiny. Requiring petition circulators to reveal their names while circulating a petition directly regulates the core political speech of petition circulation. The identification badge introduces into the one-on-one dialogue of petition circulation a message the circulator might otherwise refrain from delivering, and the evidence shows that it deters some initiative petition circulators from disseminating their messages. Under the logic of Meyer , the regulation is subject to more exacting scrutiny. As explained by the Court, see ante, at 12–14, Colorado’s identification badge requirement cannot survive this more demanding standard of review because the requirement is not narrowly tailored to satisfy Colorado’s interest in identifying and apprehending petition circulators who engage in misconduct. I also agree that whether Colorado’s other badge requirement–that the badges identify initiative petition circulators as paid or volunteer–is constitutional is a question that the court below did not resolve, and this issue is not properly before us. See ante , at 12. Accordingly, like the Court, I do not address it.

II

Unlike the majority, however, I believe that the requirement that initiative petition circulators be registered voters, see Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–112(1) (1998), is a permissible regulation of the electoral process. It is indeed a classic example of this type of regulation. We have upheld analogous restrictions on qualifications to vote in a primary election and on candidate eligibility as reasonable regulations of the electoral process. See Rosario v. Rockefeller , supra, at 756–762 (upholding qualifications to vote in primary); Storer v. Brown, supra, at 728–737 (upholding candidate eligibility requirement). As the Chief Justice observes, Colorado’s registration requirement parallels the requirements in place in at least 19 States and the District of Columbia that candidate petition circulators be electors, see post , at 7, and the requirement of many States that candidates certify that they are registered voters. * Like these regulations, the registration requirement is a neutral qualification for participation in the petitioning process.

When one views the registration requirement as a neutral qualification, it becomes apparent that the requirement only indirectly and incidentally burdens the communicative aspects of petition circulation. By its terms, the requirement does not directly prohibit otherwise qualified initiative petition circulators from circulating petitions. Cf. Rosario v. Rockefeller, supra, at 758 (holding that time limits on enrollment in political parties did not violate the right of association because individuals were not prohibited from enrolling in parties). Moreover, as the Chief Justice illustrates in his dissent, this requirement can be satisfied quite easily. See post , at 3. The requirement, indeed, has been in effect in Colorado since 1980, see American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 870 F. Supp. 995, 999 (Colo. 1994), with no apparent impact on the ability of groups to circulate petitions, see 2 Tr. 159 (testimony of Donetta Davidson that the number of initiative proposals placed on the ballot has increased over the past few years).

In this way, the registration requirement differs from the statute held unconstitutional in Meyer . There, we reviewed a statute that made it unlawful to pay petition circulators, see Meyer v. Grant, 486 U. S., at 417, and held that the statute directly regulated and substantially burdened speech by excluding from petition circulation a class of actual circulators that were necessary “to obtain the required number of signatures within the allotted time.” Ibid. That is, the statute directly silenced voices that were necessary, and “able and willing” to convey a political message. Id., at 422–423, and n. 6. In contrast, the registration requirement does not effect a ban on an existing class of circulators or, by its terms, silence those who are “able and willing” to circulate ballot initiative petitions. Indeed, it does not appear that the parties to this litigation needed unregistered but voter-eligible individuals to disseminate their political messages. Cf. id., at 417.

The respondents have offered only slight evidence to suggest that the registration requirement negatively affects the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation. In particular, the respondents argue that the registration requirement burdens political speech because some otherwise-qualified circulators do not register to vote as a form of political protest. See ante , at 11. Yet the existence and severity of this burden is not as clearly established in the record as the respondents, or the Court, suggests.

For example, witness Jack Hawkins, whose testimony the Court cites for the proposition that “the choice not to register implicates political thought and expression,” see ibid. , did not testify that anyone failed to register to vote as a political statement. He responded “[y]es, that’s true” to the leading question “are there individuals who would circulate your petition who are non-registered voters because of their political choice?” 1 Tr. 14. But he went on to explain this “political choice” as follows:

“They have interesting views of why they don’t want to register to vote. They’re under a misconception that they won’t be called for jury duty if they’re not registered to vote and they’re really concerned about being a jurist , but in Colorado you can be a jurist if you drive a car or pay taxes or anything else. So, they’re under a misconception, but I can’t turn them around on that.” Id., at 15–16 (emphasis supplied).

Likewise, witness Jon Baraga, who testified that some potential circulators are not registered to vote because they feel the political process is not responsive to their needs, see ante , at 11, went on to testify that many of the same people would register to vote if an initiative they supported were placed on the ballot. See 1 Tr. 58. Considered as a whole, this testimony does not establish that the registration requirement substantially burdens alternative forms of political expression.

Because the registration requirement indirectly and incidentally burdens the one-on-one, communicative aspect of petition circulation, Burdick requires that it advance a legitimate state interest to be a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado maintains that the registration requirement is necessary to enforce its laws prohibiting circulation fraud and to guarantee the State’s ability to exercise its subpoena power over those who violate these laws, see ante , at 11, two patently legitimate interests. See, e.g., Timmons v. Twin Cities Area New Party, 520 U. S., at 366–367; Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment , 444 U. S. 620, 636–637 (1980) . In the past, Colorado has had difficulty enforcing its prohibition on circulation fraud, in particular its law against forging petition signatures, because violators fled the State. See 2 Tr. 115 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). Colorado has shown that the registration requirement is an easy and a verifiable way to ensure that petition circulators fall under the State’s subpoena power. See Tr. of Oral Arg. 14; see also Appellee’s Supplemental App. in Nos. 94–1576 and 94–1581 (CA10), p. 268 (describing requirement that signatories be registered voters as necessary for verification of signatures). For these reasons, I would uphold the requirement as a reasonable regulation of Colorado’s electoral process.

III

Most disturbing is the Court’s holding that Colorado’s disclosure provisions are partially unconstitutional. Colorado requires that ballot-initiative proponents file two types of reports: monthly reports during the period of circulation and a final report when the initiative petition is submitted. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–121 (1998). The monthly reports must include the names of paid circulators, their business and residential addresses, and the amount of money paid and owed to each paid circulator during the relevant month. See §1–40–121(2). The final report also must include the paid circulators’ names and addresses, as well as the total amount paid to each circulator. See §1–40–121(1). The Tenth Circuit invalidated the reports to the extent they revealed this information. See ante , at 16. The Court affirms this decision, without expressing an opinion on the validity of the reports to the extent they reveal other information, on the ground that forcing the proponents of ballot initiatives to reveal the identities of their paid circulators is tenuously related to the interests disclosure serves and impermissibly targets paid circulators. See ante , at 18–19. I, however, would reverse the Tenth Circuit on the ground that Colorado’s disclosure provision is a reasonable regulation of the electoral process.

Colorado’s disclosure provision is a step removed from the one-on-one, communicative aspects of petition circulation, and it burdens this communication in only an incidental manner. Like the mandatory affidavit that must accompany every set of signed petitions, the required disclosure reports “revea[l] the name of the petition circulator and [are] public record[s] … [, but are] separated from the moment the circulator speaks,” see ante , at 13–14. This characteristic indeed makes the disclosure reports virtually indistinguishable from the affidavit requirement, which the Court suggests is a permissible regulation of the electoral process, see ante , at 15, and similarly lessens any chilling effect the reports might have on speech, see ante , at 14 (observing that injury to speech is heightened when disclosure is made at the moment of speech). If anything, the disclosure reports burden speech less directly than the affidavits because the latter are completed by the petition circulator, while the former are completed by the initiative proponent and thus are a step removed from petition circulation. In fact, the Court does not suggest that there is any record evidence tending to show that such remote disclosure will deter the circulation of initiative petitions. To the extent the disclosure requirements burden speech, the burden must be viewed as incremental and insubstantial in light of the affidavit requirement, which also reveals the identity of initiative petition circulators.

As a regulation of the electoral process with an indirect and insignificant effect on speech, the disclosure provision should be upheld so long as it advances a legitimate government interest. Colorado’s asserted interests in combating fraud and providing the public with information about petition circulation are surely sufficient to survive this level of review. These are among the interests we found to be substantial in Buckley v. Valeo . See 424 U. S. 1, 67, 68 (1976) (per curiam) (holding that the Government has a substantial interest in requiring candidates to disclose the sources of campaign contributions to provide the electorate with information about “the interests to which a candidate is most likely to be responsive,” to “deter actual corruption and avoid the appearance of corruption,” and “to detect violations of the contribution limitations”). Moreover, it is scarcely debatable that, as a general matter, financial disclosure effectively combats fraud and provides valuable information to the public. We have recognized that financial disclosure requirements tend to discourage those who are subject to them from engaging in improper conduct, and that “[a] public armed with information … is better able to detect” wrongdoing. See id., at 67; see also Grosjean v. American Press Co. , 297 U. S. 233, 250 (1936) (observing that an “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment”). “ ‘Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.’ ” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, and n. 80 (quoting L. Brandeis, Other People’s Money 62 (1933)). “[I]n the United States, for half a century compulsory publicity of political accounts has been the cornerstone of legal regulation. Publicity is advocated as an automatic regulator, inducing self-discipline among political contenders and arming the electorate with important information.” H. Alexander & B. Haggerty, The Federal Election Campaign Act: After a Decade of Political Reform 37 (1981). “ ‘[T]otal disclosure’ ” has been recognized as the “ ‘essential cornerstone’ ” to effective campaign finance reform, id., at 39, and “fundamental to the political system,” H. Alexander, Financing Politics: Money, Elections and Political Reform 164 (4th ed. 1992).

In light of these many and substantial benefits of disclosure, we have upheld regulations requiring disclosure and reporting of amounts spent by candidates for election, amounts contributed to candidates, and the names of contributors, see Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 60–84, while holding that the First Amendment protects the right of the political speaker to spend his money to amplify his speech, see id., at 44–59. Indeed, laws requiring the disclosure of the names of contributors and the amounts of their contributions are common to all States and the Federal Government. See id., at 62–64 (describing disclosure provisions of Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971); Alexander, supra, at 135 (“All fifty states have some disclosure requirements, and all except two [South Carolina and Wyoming] call for both pre- and post-election reporting of contributions and expenditures”). Federal disclosure laws were first enacted in 1910, and early laws, like Colorado’s current provision, required the disclosure of the names of contributors and the recipients of expenditures. See Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S., at 61. Such public disclosure of the amounts and sources of political contributions and expenditures assists voters in making intelligent and knowing choices in the election process and helps to combat fraud.

The recognized benefits of financial disclosure are equally applicable in the context of petition circulation. Disclosure deters circulation fraud and abuse by encouraging petition circulators to be truthful and self-disciplined. See generally id., at 67. The disclosure required here advances Colorado’s interest in law enforcement by enabling the State to detect and to identify on a timely basis abusive or fraudulent circulators. Moreover, like election finance reporting generally, Colorado’s disclosure reports provide facts useful to voters who are weighing their options. Members of the public deciding whether to sign a petition or how to vote on a measure can discover who has proposed it, who has provided funds for its circulation, and to whom these funds have been provided. Knowing the names of paid circulators and the amounts paid to them also allows members of the public to evaluate the sincerity or, alternatively, the potential bias of any circulator that approaches them. In other words, if one knows a particular circulator is well paid, one may be less likely to believe the sincerity of the circulator’s statements about the initiative proposal. The monthly disclosure reports are public records available to the press and public, see Brief for Petitioner 44, are “contemporaneous with circulation,” American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc. v. Meyer , 120 F. 3d 1092, 1105 (CA10 1997), and are more accessible than the other “masses of papers filed with the petitions,” see 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that, to combat fraud and to inform potential signatories in a timely manner, disclosure must be made at the time people are being asked to sign petitions and before any subsequent vote on a measure that qualifies for the ballot. It is, indeed, during this period that the need to deter fraud and to inform the public of the forces motivating initiative petitions “is likely to be at its peak … ; [this] is the time when improper influences are most likely to be brought to light.” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 68, n. 82. Accordingly, the monthly reports, which are disseminated during the circulation period and are available to the press, see Brief for Petitioner 44, uniquely advance Colorado’s interests. The affidavit requirement is not an effective substitute because the affidavits are not completed until after all signatures have been collected and thus after the time that the information is needed. See Colo. Rev. Stat. §1–40–111(2) (1998) (“Any signature added to a section of a petition after the affidavit has been executed shall be invalid”). In addition, the public’s access to the affidavits is generally more restricted than its access to monthly disclosure reports, for as the District Court found, the public will have “greater difficulty in finding [the] names and addresses [of petition circulators] in the masses of papers filed with the petitions as compared with the monthly reports.” 870 F. Supp., at 1004.

To be sure, Colorado requires disclosure of financial information about only paid circulators. But, contrary to the Court’s assumption, see ante , at 18, this targeted disclosure is permissible because the record suggests that paid circulators are more likely to commit fraud and gather false signatures than other circulators. The existence of occasional fraud in Colorado’s petitioning process is documented in the record. See 2 Tr. 197–198 (testimony of retired FBI agent Theodore P. Rosack); id., at 102, 104–116 (testimony of Donetta Davidson). An elections officer for the State of Colorado testified that only paid circulators have been involved in recent fraudulent activity, see id., at 150–151 and 161 (testimony of Donetta Davidson); see also id., at 197–198 (testimony of Theodore P. Rosack) (describing recent investigation of fraud in which only paid circulators were implicated). Likewise, respondent William C. Orr, the executive director of the American Constitutional Law Foundation, Inc., while examining a witness, explained to the trial court that “volunteer organizations, they’re self-policing and there’s not much likelihood of fraud… . Paid circulators are perhaps different.” Id., at 208–209.

Because the legitimate interests asserted by Colorado are advanced by the disclosure provision and outweigh the incidental and indirect burden that disclosure places on political speech, I would uphold the provision as a reasonable regulation of the electoral process. Colorado’s interests are more than legitimate, however. We have previ- ously held that they are substantial. See Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 67, 68. Therefore, even if I thought more exacting scrutiny were required, I would uphold the disclosure requirements.

Because I feel the Court’s decision invalidates permissible regulations that are vitally important to the integrity of the political process, and because the decision threatens the enforceability of other important and permissible regulations, I concur in the judgment only in part and dissent in part.


Notes

* See, e.g., Va. Const., Art. V, §3; Cal. Elec. Code Ann. §201 (West Special Pamphlet 1996); Ind. Stat. Ann. §3–8–5–14 (1998); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 53, §9 (West Supp. 1998); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §293.180 (1997); N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §655:28 (1996); N. J. Stat. Ann. §40:45–8 (West 1991); N. C. Gen. Stat. §163–323 (Supp. 1997); Okla. Stat., Tit. 26, §5–111 (1997).